Earlier this week I wrote about the Epstein abuse network, and the shattered survivors of their depravity. I also drew a parallel between Epstein’s corruption and Britain’s Pakistani-majority rape gangs, which follow the same “profoundly evil pattern”:
Whether in the ultra-luxurious setting of Epstein Island, or on squalid mattresses in crumbling British provincial towns, the group-based sexual abuse of very young girls functioned as a form of social bonding, through ritual de-humanisation of the desperately vulnerable.
In that article I discussed how, despite one or two high-profile scapegoats such as Prince Andrew, those who participated in Epstein’s festivals of child defilement have largely escaped accountability - and suggested that part of the reason for this is the power of the bond forged by this kind of ritual abuse. The same, I suspect, can be said of those implicated in Britain’s rape gangs - whether the perpetrators themselves, or indeed the wider institutional networks that either turned a blind eye or - as some have alleged - themselves participated in the abuse.
No surprise, then, to find Labour once again perpetuating that conspiracy of silence. This time it’s a desperate scramble to avoid delivering on their promise to conduct a full independent inquiry into these gangs. Having fought tooth and nail to avoid holding a new inquiry, then grudgingly agreed under overwhelming political pressure to do so, Labour is now very obviously seeking to dilute, frustrate, and delay its delivery. Earlier this week, no four survivors of the rape gangs resigned from the inquiry’s oversight panel, having raised concerns via open letters about what they see as efforts to dilute the inquiry’s scope and generalise its focus, as well as tight controls on what they could say and who they were permitted to speak to.
The survivors allege that one Labour mayor is attempting to widen the scope from known grooming victims to whole regions. They complain that the panel now includes CSE survivors whose victimisation did not fit the grooming gang pattern, and who are now - understandably - seeking to widen the scope of the enquiry to cover child sexual exploitation in general. The four resigning survivors have stated they will only return to the panel if Phillips resigns. Meanwhile two candidates to chair the inquiry have pulled out since Tuesday.
But this was wholly predictable. The Labour Party long since abandoned any effort to defend the interests of Britain’s white working class, the demographic from which most of the grooming gang victims were drawn. In a pattern that echoes other progressive parties across the developed world, as our country has de-industrialised, Labour’s voter base mutated into a coalition between upper middle-class progressives, students, and a patchwork coalition of minorities. Significantly, this includes the majority of Britain’s Muslims.
In 2019, 80% of this demographic voted Labour. But there’s a problem: this percentage fell sharply in the 2024 election, most notably due to Labour’s muddled policy on Gaza. Internationally, it is common for even non-Palestinian Muslims to support the Palestinian side in this conflict; and Labour has long counted on Britain’s Muslim vote. But official party policy even before election was support for Israel, in line with official ongoing British foreign policy.
Anger over this tension sharply reduced Labour’s Muslim support base in the 2024 election, from 80% in 2019 to 60% in 2024. The same period saw the launch of an explicit “Muslim Vote” group, and the 2024 election returned four “Gaza Independent” MPs to the House of Commons. For the same reason, the once-solid majority commanded by our current Minister for Safeguarding, Jess Phillips, was hammered from over 10,000 to just 693, with most of that majority devoured by pro-Palestine Muslim convert Jody McIntyre.
Phillips is, in other words, on an electoral knife-edge within her own constituency. That constituency is, according to the Henry Jackson Society, around 45% Muslim. Ethnically, its largest single demographic other than white British is Pakistani. Under these circumstances, we can perhaps understand her predicament: she has been asked to deliver a full and frank inquiry, into a pattern of crime where the Casey report acknowledged is committed disproportionately by members of exactly the demographic on whose vote Phillips is surely counting for re-election in 2029.
Under those circumstances, what would you do? Alas, it’s too much to hope that a politician in 2025 might answer: “The right thing, and hang the consequences for my career”. Instead of taking this courageous high road, Phillips is clearly scrabbling desperately for some way, any way, once again to bury the disgraceful stain of rape gangs on our national life under another layer of bureaucratic obfuscation and flannel. Just like last time, and the time before.
Fiddling with the terms of reference so the inquiry returns platitudes and avoids having to seek specific accountability; fiddling with the oversight board so actual exploitation victims can be used as mouthpieces to widen the scope beyond rape gangs, into a re-run of the similarly fudged and compromised Jay report. Kicking the whole thing into the long grass. And all in the desperate hope that she - and Labour - can cling to power, just a little bit longer, in the face of the obvious fact that many of those to whom Phillips and their ilk now cringe for votes already hate and despise them.
The corruption is obvious, and repugnant. The pattern is longstanding: Labour covers up rape gangs, because exposing it will cost them votes. And despite her vaunted record as a champion of women and girls, Jess Phillips is among those thus complicit: so desperate for power she’ll turn and savage the very victims who rely on her, so she can fawn over a demographic that’s obviously just using Labour until they have the numbers to form their own caucus. She, and the rest of her rotten fake Labour Party, are happy to overlook even the industrial rape of children in their desperate battle to cling to conditional support from the hostile clans upon whom they are now electorally dependent.
I didn’t think anything could deepen my cynicism about Keir Starmer’s appalling, moribund, morally bankrupt Labour Party, but against the odds, Jess Phillips just did.
Jess Phillips's election night speech last year was remarkable for utterly ignoring the elephant in the room. She claimed it was misogyny that fuelled the unpleasant and occasionally violent campaign. So the men heckling her were misogynists – simple. I was going to write that her self-delusion is extraordinary, but it's not delusion – she knows precisely what the issue is and she refuses to confront it.
Fighting this and related conflicts is a national defense against jihad. Good Muslims either don’t have the will or the ability to control their own. So here we are, everywhere in the West, where Islam is in power. I was naive to believe otherwise.